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124 نتائج ل "Bantu languages Grammar."
صنف حسب:
The Conjoint/Disjoint Alternation in Bantu
The series publishes state-of-the-art work on core areas of linguistics across theoretical frameworks as well as studies that provide new insights by building bridges to neighbouring fields such as neuroscience and cognitive science. The series considers itself a forum for cutting-edge research based on solid empirical data on language in its various manifestations, including sign languages. It regards linguistic variation in its synchronic and diachronic dimensions as well as in its social contexts as important sources of insight for a better understanding of the design of linguistic systems and the ecology and evolution of language.
Surviving The Middle Passage : The West Africa-Surinam Sprachbund
The relation between the Surinam Creoles and the languages of West Africa, where slaves who created the creoles originated, has been hotly debated. This book argues that the close relationship can be viewed in terms of a Trans Atlantic Sprachbund. It brings in new historical and linguistic evidence for an extremely close relationship between the creoles, the Gbe languages, and Kikongo, where bilingual practices led to new language forms.
Actionality and aspect in Southern Ndebele and Xhosa, two Nguni languages of South Africa
This paper presents some key findings of studies of actionality and the verbal grammarlexicon interface in two Nguni Bantu languages of South Africa, Xhosa and Southern Ndebele. We describe interactions between grammatical tense marking (and other sentential bounding elements) and lexical verb types, arguing for the salience of inchoative verbs, which lexically encode a resultant state, and, in particular, a subclass of inchoative verbs, two-phase verbs, which encode both a resultant state and the \"coming-to-be\" phase leading up to that state. We further discuss other important features of actional classes in Xhosa and Southern Ndebele, including topics such as the role of participant structure and the relative importance of cross-linguistically prominent distinctions such as that between Vendlerian activities and accomplishments. Although differences between Xhosa and Southern Ndebele are evident both in the behaviour of individual tense-aspect forms and in the interpretive possibilities of specific verbs, the general patterns are quite similar. This similarity suggests that the patterns are likely to extend to other Nguni languages, as well, and that cross-linguistic comparison of particular lexical items across these languages are both feasible and likely to bear fruit.
A grammar sketch of the Shetjhauba variety of Shekgalagadi
Shekgalagadi is an endangered Bantu language of the Sotho cluster spoken in Botswana. While it is known that the language shows extensive regional variation, very little documentation exists of smaller, more remote varieties. This paper provides a first ever description of the northern-most Shekgalagadi variety known as Shetjhauba, spoken along the Okavango panhandle close to the Namibian border. Using original field data, I provide a grammatical sketch of Shetjhauba. First, the segmental phonology of Shetjhauba is described, providing an overview of its phonemic consonants and vowels, as well as a major morphophonological process that occurs in several morphological environments, referred to as “strengthening”. A striking difference between the phonology of Shetjhauba and that of previously described Shekgalagadi varieties is its extensive use of click phonemes. Secondly, the nominal and verbal morphology of Shetjhauba are discussed, giving insights into noun classes, nominal derivation, and various pronouns and agreeing modifiers. Shetjhauba also has an extensive verbal morphology, with various verbal derivational suffixes, and inflectional affixes marking tense, aspect, mood, negation, as well as subject and object.
Timing-driven derivation of a NOM/ACC agreement pattern
This paper reports a case of NOM/ACC alignment in agreement that results from the relative timing of A- movement and φ-agreement, and not from the position of φ-probes or the sensitivity of agreement to case. The NOM/ACC phenomenon discussed here is object agreement in Ndebele, which can be characterized as the systematic inability of Voice to agree with the highest argument, despite c-commanding it. I argue that this pattern follows from a general property of Bantu languages whereby every φ-probe obligatorily co-occurs with an EPP feature. In Voice, EPP probes before φ, removing the highest argument from the probing domain of φ, which gives rise to the unique status of the highest DP in terms of agreement. I explain why the bleeding of agreement by movement cannot be undone by cyclic expansion of the φ-probe and instead leads to a rigid downward agreement pattern. Finally, I conclude that the pervasive cooccurrence of agreement and movement in Bantu languages is the result of parametric cooccurrence of EPP and φ (Baker, 2003; Collins, 2004), and is not an indication that the two operations are triggered by the same feature, nor that Agree is upward in Bantu.
Integrated non-restrictive relative clauses in Shupamem
This article investigates the structural and interpretative properties of relative clauses in Shupamem, an under-studied Grassfields Bantu language of Cameroon, focusing on the integration status of non-restrictive relative clauses, an under-researched aspect of relative clause syntax. We show that non-restrictive relatives have the same properties as restrictive relatives in the language and argue that considerations relating to illocutionary independence, scope relations with matrix negation and intentional verbs, VP ellipsis, pronominalization, binding, weak crossover effects, parasitic gaps, and split antecedents, among others, support the conclusion that Shupamem non-restrictive relatives are clause-internal nominally-integrated syntactic objects, as in Italian and Mandarin Chinese. This finding supports Cinque’s ( 2008 ) discovery that non-restrictive relative clauses come in both integrated and non-integrated varieties, and typologically places Shupamem among the languages of the world that exclusively manifest the integrated non-restrictive relative clause structure.
Patterns of Movement Reflexes as the Result of the Order of Merge and Agree
In this article, I analyze patterns of reflexes of Ā-movement found within and across languages: reflexes may occur in all or none of the clauses of the dependency, in the clause where the dependency terminates, or solely in clauses where it does not terminate. I argue that the variation can best be captured by the variable timing of Agree and two subtypes of internal Merge (final vs. intermediate movement steps) triggered by a single head: early movement feeds Agree and gives rise to a reflex; late movement has the opposite effect. Since the subtypes of movement can apply at different points relative to Agree, reflexes may occur only in some clauses of the dependency.